How to Charge Lindahl Prices for IP goods
|
Club member |
Willingness to pay |
Vote Pro |
Vote Contra |
Pivotal tax |
1 |
$60 |
$40 |
$5 |
|
2 |
$40 |
$30 |
||
3 |
$35 |
$25 |
||
4 |
$10 |
$0 |
||
5 |
$10 |
|||
6 |
$10 |
|||
7 |
$10 |
|||
8 |
$10 |
|||
9 |
$10 |
|||
10 |
$10 |
|||
Sum |
$145 |
$95 |
$60 |
$5 |
Clearly, decision-making costs are very high in the DRP when everybody gets involved in a vote on each single offer. Yet, there are two additional problems that Lindahl-pricing of IP goods has to overcome:
(1) The likelihood that an offer will be rejected can be very high. This is because suppliers will try to get a price as high as possible but can only guess how high the clubs willingness to pay for the right to use their IP good is. In the above example, the supplier could have asked for only $50 just to make sure that his offer is being accepted, but he would have made $50 less than he actually did. He could also have tried to ask for more, perhaps $200, but the voters would have rejected that offer, leaving the supplier with no revenue at all. [4] Such an outcome means a waste of resources because the IP good in consideration already exists and should be used by anybody willing to pay its costs of reproduction.
(2) In order for an offer to be accepted, the price has to be as low or lower than the collective willingness to pay for that particular use right. However, this means that the suppliers proceeds are either zero because their offer got rejected or they are still lower than they should be as a fair compensation for their provided value.
Due to these problems, the suppliers revenue would be below what they should achieve with true Lindahl-pricing and consumers would remain excluded from many IP goods. The solution comes in form of a refined procudure that was initially suggested by Green and Laffont (1977) to solve other problems of the DRP: Only a representative (random) sample of the clubs members votes on any particular offer. Then, the samples revealed willingness to pay for the offer determines the price that all non-voters have to pay for the offered use right irrespective of their actual personal willingness to pay. However, voting sample members still are either being excluded from the use right or, if they had accepted the offer, pay the price determined before they voted. (See Figure 2)
This way, every club member who is not part of the voting sample gets the right to use the offered IP goods at costs of reproduction. Members pay a price for those rights that averages on all purchased offers and on the average of all club members the Lindahl prices for each offer, this way compensating intellectual property owners in a fair and welfare-maximizing way. Members experience exceptions from this only for those IP goods that they were voting on as part of a voting sample.
Figure 2:
Flowchart of Lindahl-Pricing of IP Goods in a Discount Club
Owning the use rights alone will not satisfy the buyers they will have to be able to exercise those rights as well. There are many ways to provide owners of use rights with the desired IP goods, as long as they are coupled with systems to prevent users from giving those goods to others who dont have the corresponding use rights. Pharmaceuticals can continue to be prescribed by doctors, and either the prescribing doctors or the pharmacies are making sure that the patient has the proper use rights. Media content can be distributed either from centralized servers or in peer-to-peer networks. Network and server costs can be incorporated in network access fees or charged separately.
For many IP goods, costs of reproduction, distribution, and liability are not as negligible as those of media content. The corresponding use prices paid by owners of the use rights could be left to market competition. Other reproducers could receive licences to provide the corresponding goods at competitive prices. For example, a competition among producers of generic medicine would result in a competition for price, purity, consistency, and effectiveness of administrations of the same active substance.
A practical implementation of Lindahl-pricing for IP goods could start with a cable TV service where large numbers of subscribers with an existing billing infrastructure are already available. In order to give subscribers enough time to develop a sense of value, the operator will introduce new channels or premium services for a few weeks each. After that, random voting samples decide whether they want to keep a certain new offering in exchange for an increase in monthly fees. Similarly, all the channels previously included in the bundled cable service could be offered for a demand-revealing vote by samples of subscribers.
Later, cable operators could offer access to many more kinds of IP goods this way, delivering more and more through their infrastructure to subscribers. Computer software and games, music, encyclopaedias, information databases, and electronic books are good examples, provided that copyright protection is working well to ensure non-transferability of those goods. Even use rights to pharmaceuticals could be among the offered goods. [5]
Preparing or offering premium content services already, internet services can create a serious alternative to cable TV services not only in providing audio-visiual entertainment but also in offering an infrastructure for Lindahl-pricing clubs for other IP goods. Already, millions of consumers are subscribers to such networks, paying $10 - $15 per month to receive premium content through their internet connections. Value and revenue could be vastly increased by extending the offering to anything that can be delivered online.
Governments could use the presented Lindahl-pricing method to provide access to all IP goods to all citizens and fair compensation to the suppliers, too. It would be irrelevant whether the government would levy a special tax on citizens to make payments to the suppliers or whether it would pay it out of general tax income. It is only important that the government uses the described application of the DRP to determine the fair compensation for suppliers and provides access to any IP good ever produced.
In cases of hardship where members of a voting sample that rejected a use right depend on having access to it, members still would have the option of switching to another discount club that has that IP good included in the basket for new members. Given relatively high switching costs (e.g., paperwork, fees), this option would only insignificantly reduce the incentive to vote truthfully when being a member of a voting sample.
However, if the government offers this method of Lindahl-pricing, there might be only a single club and switching is impossible. As an alternative, such unlucky voting members could be allowed to purchase the desired IP good through traditional uniform pricing models. Insurances or loan programs could help overcome burdens of hardship without much effect on the demand revelation.
Allowing consumers to switch or quit club membership and allowing independent
clubs to freely accept, reject, and expel members will also help to
form groups that are homogeneous with respect to the members interests
in different IP goods and their abilities to pay. Two forms of competition
will evolve:
(1) competition among the clubs for members with low willingness to
pay who decrease the clubs aggregate willingness to pay for offers
and thus decrease the prices paid; and
(2) consumers competition for membership in clubs with a lower
aggregate willingness than their own.
Both forms of competition jointly increase the likelihood that a consumer
will be able to find a group where membership is beneficial for him/her.
This paper did not discuss how the new pricing process can benefit business, even though modern business relies heavily on IP goods in forms of computer software, information database, etc. The problem is that the total value that different business entities derive from IP goods varies much more than between individual consumers. For example, a small bakery would have gain much less from accessing the LexiNexis information network than a large lawfirm. However, an attractive and fair solution can be imagined with (1) businesses forming discount clubs separated along industry boundaries and (2) DRP voting power, pivotal taxes, and payments for use rights would be scaled along annual revenue figures.
This paper has presented a pricing method that restores properties of free markets where traditional markets fail. The resulting benefits are worth fighting for: Not only can producers receive optimal incentives to produce new and valuable IP goods, but also can every person gain unlimited access to all IP goods whether they are for learning, healing, or entertaining. Overall, this Lindahl-pricing method can increase the wealth of entire societies by guaranteeing maximum use of the worlds information industries output. A fair and generous reward will be offered to the producers of quality IP goods, and there will be no need anymore for fair use fights over copyright law and bureaucratic controls of drug expenditure growth.
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Economides, Nicholas. 1993. Quality Variations in the Circular Model of Variety-Differentiated Products. Regional Science and Urban Economics 23: 235-257.
Green, Jerry and Jean-Jacques Laffont. 1977. Imperfect Personal Information and the Demand Revealing Process. A Sampling Approach. Public Choice 29 (2/special issue): 79-94.
Salop, Stephen C. 1979. Monopolistic Competition with Outside Goods. Bell Journal of Economics 10: 141-156.
Tideman, T. Nicolaus and Gordon Tullock. 1976. A New and Superior Process for Making Social Choices. Journal of Political Economy 84 (6): 1145-1159.
Waterman, David. 1990. Diversity and Quality of Information Products in a Monopolistically Competitive Industry. Information Economics and Policy 1989/90 (4): 291-303.
[1] Of course, this setting requires that the tickets are personal and non-transferable in order to prevent resale of unwanted tickets to other consumers with a preference for those movies.
[2] Since there is no need for the proceeds from the pivotal tax, it would be least irritating to the DRP to waste them. However, the literature shows several models that minimize undesirable side incentives for voters when the pivotal tax proceeds are being redistributed.
[3] Here, the pivotal tax is being calculated as the difference between approving and rejecting votes under exclusion of the pivotal voter, which represents the welfare loss to everybody else in the group due to the pivotal voter swinging the vote. However, the incentive to truthfully reveal ones willingness to pay in the DRP could be achieved by calculating a pivotal tax as the difference between approving and rejecting votes under inclusion of the pivotal voter under consideration as well. This is economically less obvious, but, for a correct incentive, it is merely important that the risk of paying a pivotal tax and the taxs magnitude is equally high when overstating ones willingness to pay for a certain outcome. Either way, only pivotal voters pay a pivotal tax and its magnitude is anywhere between one cent and the voted value.
[4] Repeat offers (with a lower price) should be avoided because their mere possibility could encourage strategic understatements of pro-voters.
[5] However, this seems to be irrelevant as long as most people benefit from health insurance that pays any price demanded by pharmaceutical companies if the medication is needed.
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